Wednesday, 18 June 2025

Why white people support Ukraine/Israel rather than Russia/Palestine

A striking feature of white political sentiment in post-apartheid South Africa is its consistent support for Ukraine and Israel, alongside hostility toward Palestine and Russia. This pattern cannot be explained by geopolitical logic alone. Rather, it reflects deeper psychological and cultural alignments rooted in colonial identity, media priming, selective empathy, and residual religious ideologies. The argument presented here is that such allegiances are less about informed analysis than about inherited worldviews that code whiteness, order, and Western power as morally superior—regardless of the facts on the ground.

1. Ingroup Identification and “Whiteness as Global Norm”

Social Identity Theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979) shows people derive self-esteem from group membership. Many white South Africans still subconsciously align with Western identity—viewing Ukraine and Israel as culturally “closer” or more “civilised,” and Russia and Palestine as “other,” chaotic, or threatening. This is not always explicit racism but is often rooted in postcolonial identification with whiteness, order, and liberal-capitalist statehood.

Reference: Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W.G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33–47). Brooks/Cole.


2. Media Priming and Moral Framing

Western media—consumed by many white South Africans—routinely portrays:

  • Ukraine as a democratic underdog,

  • Israel as a rational state defending against irrational terror,

  • while Russia and Palestinians are cast as aggressors or extremists.

This produces cognitive heuristics (mental shortcuts) where moral evaluations follow emotional framings. The media primes viewers to see suffering as either “deserved” or “unfortunate but necessary.”

Reference: Entman, R. M. (2004). Projections of power: Framing news, public opinion, and U.S. foreign policy. University of Chicago Press.
DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226210735.001.0001


3. Colonial Guilt Displacement and “Good vs Evil” Narratives

Some white South Africans unconsciously deflect their own historical guilt by aligning themselves with “good guys” in global conflicts. Supporting Israel or Ukraine can serve as moral displacement—a way to feel righteous without addressing apartheid complicity. This allows a simplified Manichaean worldview (good vs evil) that preserves ego and avoids complex moral introspection.

Reference: Fanon, F. (1961). The Wretched of the Earth. Grove Press. [Fanon discusses internalised colonial guilt and projection.]


4. Selective Empathy and Racial Coding

Western audiences, including many white South Africans, often extend empathy more readily to groups that look like them or reflect their cultural symbols. Studies show that race-coded empathy affects how violence is perceived: a bombed white neighbourhood evokes horror, while a bombed Arab or African city may evoke resignation or moral rationalisation.

Reference: Gawronski, B., & Bodenhausen, G. V. (2006). Associative and propositional processes in evaluation: An integrative review of implicit and explicit attitude change. Psychological Bulletin, 132(5), 692–731. DOI: 10.1037/0033-2909.132.5.692


5. Zionism and Christian Zionist Influence

A significant segment of older white South Africans grew up in Christian evangelical traditions that teach the restoration of Israel as a prerequisite for the return of Christ. These religious frameworks deeply influence support for Israel, often overriding any political analysis.

Reference: Wagner, D. (2014). Evangelicals and Israel: The Story of American Christian Zionism. Westminster John Knox Press.

Toward a South African‑Style Resolution in Israel–Palestine

Toward a South African‑Style Resolution in Israel–Palestine

The brutal asymmetry of violence in Gaza and the looming Iranian threat demand a fundamental rethink of the Israeli–Palestinian confrontation. The solution lies in institutional reform—not simply military escalation. A model rooted in post‑apartheid South Africa offers a viable framework: a constitution anchored in equality, demilitarisation, UN‑backed security guarantees, and a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) where Israeli leaders face victims of past and ongoing atrocities.

1. Constitutional Equality and Demilitarisation Zone

South Africa’s 1996 constitution established a robust Bill of Rights, enshrining equality, non‑racialism, and a civilian-led security sector. Evaluations confirm its supremacy in dismantling institutional discrimination and guiding democratic consolidation . Replicating this in Israel–Palestine would involve:

  • A single, inclusive legal order protecting all citizens—Jews, Palestinians, and others—regardless of ethnicity or origin.
  • Demilitarisation of internal security, replacing military operations in civilian areas with police forces trained in human rights, under international supervision.
  • Constitutional guarantees of non‑theocratic governance, neutralising religion-based state policies and affirming equality across faiths.
  • A unified, secular constitution would dismantle the current two-tiered system that privileges settlers and marginalises Palestinians.

2. UN-Security Council Guarantees

Universal empowerment requires credible guarantees. Binding resolutions from the UN Security Council, coupled with international peacekeeping presence, could enforce compliance during implementation—particularly in volatile zones like Gaza, the West Bank, and Jerusalem. Historically, UN involvement was pivotal in enforcing post-apartheid reforms; a similar mechanism could ensure lasting fidelity to a new constitutional order. 

Israel’s ongoing aggression toward its neighbours—under the pretext of preserving its security—ironically renders it less secure, not more. This pattern mirrors American military adventurism, which often produces greater instability. Historical parallels can be drawn with apartheid South Africa, where the state’s suppression of opposition groups and forced underground movements led directly to the formation of Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) and the armed resistance. Violence begets violence. Recently, a representative from the Arab League noted that if Israel were to de-escalate and halt its violent actions, the League would be prepared to offer security guarantees. This underscores the dual motivation behind Israel’s actions: fear, but also a persistent imperial drive.

3. A Commission of Truth and Reconciliation

South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) stood as a symbolic bridge between brutal pasts and emancipated futures. Although neither perfect nor uncontentious, it achieved a degree of societal healing and accountability. In the Israeli context, a TRC would:

  • Require public hearings where Israeli leaders (e.g., Netanyahu) and military officials testify before victims of past or ongoing violence.
  • Offer conditional amnesty for truthful testimony and documented admissions—not blanket immunity.
  • Provide restorative justice mechanisms for the reconstruction of homes, hospitals, and communities destroyed during the Gaza sieges.
  • Return land stolen by settlers under force.

4. Justification: Ethical and Legal Imperatives

4.1 Disproportionality and Overkill

Ethical norms and international law prohibit excessive retaliation. The principle of proportionality compels measured, targeted responses—not carpet bombings that devastate civilian infrastructure. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) has already characterised Israeli operations in Gaza as plausibly genocidal and demanded measures to prevent further atrocities. These judgments reinforce that tactics such as inpatient ICU bombings, mass displacement, and destruction of essential services are unlawful and deeply immoral.

4.2 Targeted Justice vs Mass Punishment

State-of-the-art warfare enables precision targeting of purported perpetrators. Yet Israel’s response following the Hamas attack on 7 October 2023 has been collective punishment—killing thousands, crippling civilians, and razing towns. This diverges starkly from both legal norms and sound counterterrorism strategy.

4.3 Hostages and False Pretext

The moral imperative to protect hostages does not justify wiping out entire cities. Continuing bombardment under the banner of hostage recovery undermines public trust and obscures accountability. The use of hospital and refugee camp destruction as bargaining chips is a grave deviation from any proportional, hostage-centred response.

4.4 Imperial Ambitions Toward Iran

Israel’s provocative posture toward Iran—despite confirmation from the IAEA and voices like Tulsi Gabbard that Iran lacks active nuclear weapons—raises questions of imperial overreach. Military provocations amount to strategic overextension under the pretext of smiling security concerns.

4.5 Nuclear Hypocrisy

Israel maintains an undeclared nuclear arsenal, refusing to join the Non‑Proliferation Treaty while condemning others for seeking the same. This moral asymmetry undermines global disarmament efforts and was criticised in ICJ proceedings that deemed Israel’s posture “morally deplorable.”

4.6 Victimhood Reversal

Israel’s selective outrage over Iranian missile strikes—several buildings damaged—contrasts sharply with the prior devastation inflicted on Gaza, including thousands of razed homes and tens of thousands of civilian casualties. The cognitive dissonance between being both victim and aggressor violates both logic and justice.

Conclusion

Emulating South Africa’s constitutional pathway offers a plausible solution to Israel–Palestine’s entrenched violence. Central to this vision are equality before the law, disarmament of internal security structures, international oversight, and a Truth and Reconciliation process that insists on accountability for past and present atrocities. Importantly, this process would also enforce non-racial, secular governance and respect Palestinian self‑determination—all while reinforcing Israel’s security under global guarantees.

Entrenching conflict through military dominance and collective punishment is neither sustainable nor ethical. A constitutional and transitional‑justice approach, modelled after South Africa, provides a restorative alternative—one designed not only to end violence, but to heal societies and pave the way for lasting peace.

Tuesday, 3 June 2025

Why genesis is self-refuting

The story of Genesis is actually even more confusing than just an entrapment story.

It actually destroys theodicy. Look. The typical explanation for evil in the presence of an omnipotent god, is that he allows us free choice. BUT free choice requires knowledge of good and evil, as you point out (a moral choice that you are not tricked or compelled to take). Hence, the devil/serpent gives us free will. not god. Therefore, saying "god gave us free will" and that''s why he can't destroy evil, is incorrect. He punished us, allegedly, for adopting free will (whether we have it is moot to this argument, the point is: the story actually destroys theodicy). This implies that to do evil... you have to have free choice... and therefore to be suitable for punishment, eg. the fall of man, or the expulsion from Eden, you have to... eat of the tree. IE either it was planned (entrapment), or, punishment is not warranted, because the eating occurred BEFORE man had free will.

Another fun thing is the "elohim" word at the start of Genesis (in the beginning there was God). The hebrew has "Gods". Evidence supporting this position is because on seeing that the people have eaten of the tree, God says, "now they are become like US knowing good and evil". Meaning, there is not one god, EL, but ELOHIM, plural. Perhaps the serpent (dragon, I assume, because he originally had legs), was one of the Elohim. My view on this is that this stuff in the text is an anachronism dating back to pre-monotheistic days and it was simply not excised due to copyists being pedantic about keeping scripture sacred, rather than editing what did not make sense.